RESEARCH ON IMMIGRANT AND REFUGEE COMMUNITIES
IN THE UNITED STATES
Groups arranged in alphabetical order. Scroll down page for
all entries. Abstracts are chronological within groups. Selection does not necessarily imply endorsement of findings or research
methodology by Diversity Dynamics and its partner organizations. We regret that we may not be able to repair broken links
promptly. Page begun in 2012.
Power of the Purse: The Contributions of Black Immigrants in the United
New American Economy, March 19, 2020, 12 pp.
This report examines integration metrics for black
immigrants to the U.S., particularly with regard to their economic impact. The authors have compiled statistics on the population
of black immigrants, their geographic distribution (by state), national origins and rate of growth, and distribution by state
of black immigrant voters. Economic data include earnings, taxes paid to federal, state and local governments, spending power,
top industries of employment and top occupations. There are also statistics on educational attainment (with immigrants from
Africa having among the highest levels of educational attainment in the U.S.), English language proficiency, and rate of naturalization.
A noteworthy observation is that the three top occupations held by black immigrants are healthcare-related — nursing
assistants, registered nurses, and personal care aides. In short, the publication provides a wide-ranging snapshot of a growing
population of immigrants in the U.S. (Maurice Belanger, Maurice Belanger Consulting)
Sub-Saharan African Immigrants in the United States
Migration Policy Institute, November 6, 20109, 14 pp.
Authors: Carlos Echeverria-Estrada
& Jeanne Batalova
In 1980, there were fewer than 150,000 immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa residing in
the U.S. In 2019, there were more than two million. “Sub-Saharan Africans Immigrants in the United States” by
the Migration Policy Institute looks at the geographic distribution, demographic characteristics and naturalization patterns
of immigrants from the 51 countries that constitute sub-Saharan Africa. Using data from the 2010-2018 U.S. Census Bureau’s
American Community Surveys as well as the World Bank and Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, this brief finds that immigrants
from sub-Saharan Africa have higher labor force participation rates than other immigrants or the U.S.-born population, are
highly represented in management, business, science and arts occupations, and tend to be well educated. In 2017, 32 percent
of U.S.-born citizens had earned at least a bachelor’s degree compared to 40% of immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa.
The authors also include information about why this population emigrated to the U.S., as some are refugees from conflicts
in the Democratic Republic of Congo or Somalia, some are high-skilled immigrants from Ghana and Nigeria seeking job or school
opportunities, some are lottery visa recipients from Cameroon and Liberia and many others are reuniting with family members.
The brief finally looks at remittances from sub-Saharan immigrants, which have greatly increased since the early 2000s to
$45.7 billion in 2018. (Deb D’Anastasio for The ILC Public Education Institute)
Sub-Saharan African Immigrants in the U.S. Are Often more Educated Than Those in Top European Destinations,
Pew Research Center, April 24, 2018, 24 pp.
Authors: Monica Anderson &
More than a million sub-Saharan Africans have migrated to the United States and Europe since
2010. The report Sub-Saharan African Immigrants in the U.S. Are Often More Educated Than Those in Top European Destinations
by the Pew Research Center analyzed data from the United Nations, the U.S. Census Bureau's 2015 American Community Survey
and Eurostat's 2015 Labor Force Survey to offer a current portrait of these migrants. Immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa who
live in the U.S., United Kingdom, France and Portugal are more likely than native-born populations to have some college education.
However, the education rate of these immigrants in the United States far surpasses all the others: 69 percent in the
U.S. vs. 49 percent in the UK, 30 percent in France, and 27 percent in Portugal. The higher educational attainment rates of
sub-Saharan immigrants in developed countries may be due to migration policies that favor those with higher education. Sub-Saharan
immigrants in the U.S. had similar employment rates to U.S.-born, but those in Europe have lower employment rates than the
native-born. The report also found that a majority of sub-Saharan immigrants in the U.S. and Europe arrived more than a decade
ago, with more than 25 percent residing in the destination country for more than 20 years. Colonial histories of some sub-Saharan
countries might lead some immigrants to choose to immigrate to one country over another if they have a shared language. Regardless
of when the immigrants arrived in the destination country, some are undocumented. Nearly one in seven sub-Saharan immigrants
are undocumented, and an estimated 60,000 to 70,000 in Europe have an unknown asylum status (Samah Rizvi for The Immigrant
Learning Center's Public Education Institute).
A Rising Share of the U.S. Black Population is Foreign Born,
Pew Research Center, April 9, 2015, 30 pp.
Author: Monica Ande
2000, the foreign-born black population in the U.S. has increased by 56 percent, going from more than 2.4 million to nearly
3.8 million. A Rising Share of the U.S. Black Population is Foreign Born
examines the demographic, economic, and
geographic characteristics of the foreign-born black population in the U.S. Using data from the U.S. Census Bureau's 2013
American Community Survey and the decennial censuses, the study reports that the number of black immigrants in the U.S. has
quadrupled since 1980. Black immigrants now comprise 8.7 percent of the total black population, and according to Census Bureau
projections, this percentage will continue to increase. While half of all black immigrants are from the Caribbean, with Jamaica
accounting for 18 percent of the national total, the recent growth in size has been driven by African immigration. Between
2000 and 2013, the number of black African immigrants living in the U.S. has increased by 137 percent. The report finds that,
compared to all U.S. immigrants, immigrant blacks are more likely to hold U.S. citizenship and speak English proficiently.
It also finds that the U.S. black immigrant population is geographically concentrated in just two regions, the Northeast and
South, which are home to more than 82 percent of all black immigrants. (Louisa Johnson for The ILC Public Education Institute)
The Foreign-Born Population from Africa: 2008-2012,
U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey Briefs, October, 2014, 10 pp.
P. Gambino, Edward N. Trevelyan & John Thomas Fitzwater
This brief discusses the size, place of birth, geographical
distribution, and educational attainment of the foreign born from Africa. The total African population in the U.S. is 1.6
million, or about 4 percent of the total foreign-born population. The four largest groups are Nigerian (14 percent of the
total African population), Ethiopian (10- percent), Egyptian (9 percent), and Ghanaian (8 percent). Forty-one percent of the
African-born population had a bachelor's degree or higher in 2008-2012, compared with 28 percent of the overall foreign-born.
Egypt (64 percent) and Nigeria (61 percent) were among the African countries with the highest proportion of bachelors and
higher degrees. The report includes maps and charts showing states with the high concentrations of African immigrants. North
Dakota (19.4 percent) and Minnesota (19.2) were the two states with the highest percentage of African immigrants to total
foreign-born population. New York, California, Texas, and Maryland had the highest absolute numbers of African immigrants.
State of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders Series
The Center for American Progress & AAPI Data (University of California, Riverside)
Authors: Karthick Ramakrishnan
& Farah A. Ahmad
During the last decade, more immigrants came to the U.S. from Asia than from any other
region of the world, including Latin America. However, as authors Karthick Ramakrishnan and Farah A. Ahmad argue, data on
Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) are not easily available or presented in an accessible fashion. To address this
problem, they developed six fact sheets on AAPIs covering the following topics: public opinion, demographics, education, immigration,
language diversity and English proficiency, and civic participation and democracy. The fact sheets, according to the Center,
provide an "unprecedented" look at this community. AAPIs tend to be progressive on a range of issues. Compared to
the U.S. average, for example, AAPIs favor bigger government and more services. Their impact on education continues to increase
with AAPI enrollment in K-12 growing fourfold between 1979 and 2009 and by another 31 percent by 2019 (projected). Given their
tremendous diversity in national origins and ethnicity, their language diversity and English proficiency have serious implications
on education and workforce development. Immigration, too, is a key issue for AAPIs as about two-thirds of Asian Americans
are immigrants. The fact sheets also note the rising number of Asian American voters, who voted decisively for Barack Obama
in the 2012 presidential election. (Denzil Mohammed, The Immigrant Learning Center, Public Education Institute)
iCount: A Data Quality Movement for Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders in Higher Education
Educational Testing Service and the National Commission on Asian American and Pacific Islander Research in Education,
June, 2013, 33 pp.
Authors: Robert Teranishi, Libby Lok, & Back Mai Dolly Nguyen
Citing numerous calls
over the last two decades to disaggregate data so that the educational experiences and outcomes of specific Asian American/Pacific
Islander (AAPI) groups are revealed, this study argues that "the aggregation of AAPI sub-groups into a single data category
is a civil rights issue" because it masks significant gaps in educational participation and achievement on the part of
some groups. For example, 37.4 percent of Cambodian adults and 29.4 percent of Vietnamese lack a high school diploma, as compared
to 7.9 percent of Filipinos and 5.3 percent of Japanese. There are also significant differences in the median income of AAPI
sub-groups. The authors describe a case study of a successful AAPI data disaggregation movement at the University of California
- a student-driven campaign called Count Me In. Collecting and reporting data by sub-groups has permitted administrators at
the University to see what student populations are underrepresented and to use resources for programs and services in a more
effective manner. The report has a separate chapter devoted to the needs of Pacific Islander communities -- one of the most
disadvantaged segments of the AAPI population. The report recommends that educational institutions make disaggregated data
available to institutional researchers, administrators, faculty, and students and urges philanthropic institutions and the
U.S. Department of Education to be partners in the data refinement effort.
Spotlight on Asian American & Pacific Islander Poverty: A Demographic Profile
National Coalition for Asian Pacific American Community Development (CAPACD),
June, 2013, 57 pp.
Produced by national CAPACD, a network of more than 100 community-based organizations and individuals
active in 17 states, this report seeks to illuminate the plight of the nearly two million Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders
(AAPI) who live in poverty. Often overlooked in the common Asian-American success narrative, AAPIs are one of the fastest-growing
poverty populations. Since the advent of the Great Recession in 2007, the number of AAPI living in poverty has grown by 38
percent, second only to the 42 percent growth in the number of Hispanic poor. Surprisingly, the native-born segment of the
AAPI population is growing faster than the immigrant segment, even though immigrants constitute a majority of all AAPIs. The
ethnic groups with the highest concentrations of poverty are Hmong (27.0 percent), Bangladeshi (21.1 percent), Tongan (18.9
percent), Cambodian (18.8 percent), Samoan (16.2 percent), and Pakistani (16.0 percent). The report also examines the geographic
and residential settlement patterns of poor AAPIs and finds flaws in a 2012 report by the Pew Research Center entitled The
Rise of Asian Americans. Specifically, the CAPACD report finds higher residential concentrations of AAPI poverty than suggested
in the PEW report and notes that most poor AAPIs live in majority minority neighborhoods. The author concludes "that
the recent media noise about the disappearance of inner-city concentrations of AAPIs (e.g. Chinatowns) has been exaggerated."
Given the diverse settlement patterns of AAPIs, the author suggests that "neighborhood-based and regional-based approaches
are both appropriate in outreaching to and serving poor AAPIs." Moreover, because poor AAPIs live in diverse neighborhoods,
"there are opportunities to build multi-racial and multi-ethnic coalitions around community development issues at neighborhood,
regional and national levels."
The Rise of Asian Americans,
Pew Research Center, June 19, 2012, 215 pp.
This report is based on a telephone survey of 3,511
Asian Americans ages 18 or over in all 50 states conducted from January 3 to March 27, 2012. Interviews were done in English
and the 7 most common Asian languages: Cantonese, Hindi, Japanese, Korean, Mandarin, Tagalog and Vietnamese. In order to permit
comparisons among Asian sub-groups, interviews were completed with at least 500 respondents for each of the six largest Asian
sub-groups: Chinese, Filipinos, Asian Indians, Japanese, Koreans, and Vietnamese. The report also draws on a detailed analysis
of economic and demographic data from the Census Bureau and other official sources. The first chapter highlights the socio-economic,
educational and household characteristics of Asian-Americans in general, along with comparisons across racial and ethnic groups
(white, black, and Hispanic) and across the six largest Asian groups. Other chapters cover the following topics: impressions
of life in the U.S., intergroup relations, transnational ties, family and personal values, and political and civic participation.
As nearly three-quarters (74 percent) of Asian-Americans were born abroad, the report also differentiates between the native-born
and foreign-born contingents. The report states that Asian-Americans "are the best-educated, highest-income, fastest-growing
race group in the country." It should be noted that the report has drawn sharp criticism from many Asian organizations
for its perceived neglect of other Asian communities with lower educational and economic outcomes, e.g. Burmese, Laotians,
Cambodians, and for its perpetuation of the "model minority" myth. For a summary of this critique, go to the following
Asians in the U.S. Labor Force: Profile of a Diverse Population,
U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), Monthly Labor Review, November, 2011,
This article marks the first time that BLS has published data from the Current Population Survey about
specific Asian groups in the United States. The groups examined are the largest ones in the country: Chinese (22 percent of
all Asians), Asian Indians (18 percent), Filipinos (17 percent), Vietnamese (11 percent), Koreans (10 percent) and Japanese
(6 percent). Many of the data sets are disaggregated by nativity, making possible comparisons between the foreign-born and
native-born in each group, as well as more focused attention on the immigrant cohort. The article examines labor force participation
and employment characteristics, as well as educational attainment, naturalization rates and family characteristics.
Brazilian Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, August 29, 2019, 8 pp.
Authors: Brittany Blizzard&
By 2017, the number of Brazilian immigrants
in the United States had reached 450,000 – a nearly one-third increase since 2010, a span of time marked by political
and economic turmoil in Brazil. The article “Brazilian Immigrants in the United States” traces the history of
Brazilian immigration from the early 1980’s to the present, and examines their geographic distribution, English proficiency,
income, education, employment, naturalization rates, and remittance patterns. The article utilizes U.S. Census data, Department
of Homeland Security immigration statistics and Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) apprehension data to track changes in Brazilian
immigration over time. The study highlights the work history and status of Brazilian immigrants. While previously
relaxed immigration laws allowed Brazilians to live and work in the U.S. for short periods of time, a pattern called “yo
yo” migration, stricter immigration laws caused an increase in both visa overstays and deportation rates. Today, Brazilian
immigrants are clustered in five states (Florida, Massachusetts, California, New Jersey and New York). Their households tend
to have higher educational attainment and English proficiency than the overall immigrant population. However, many are undocumented
and, as a population, they are less likely to be naturalized citizens as compared to other immigrant populations. (Olivia Pickard for The Immigrant Learning Center’s Public Education Institute)
Brazilians in the United States: 1980-2007,
Center for Latin American, Caribbean & Latino Studies, City
University of New York, March, 2010, 18 pp.
This study examines the growth and
changing demographic profile of the Brazilian population in the U.S. California and New York's share of the Brazilian population
declined over the 27 year span of this study. By 2007, Florida (22%) and Massachusetts (18%) had become the states with the
largest percentages of Brazilians, followed by New Jersey with 10.4%. The study also looks at educational levels; median household
income; employment, unemployment rates, and poverty rates; English language ability and bilingualism; and citizenship status.
Among the findings: almost a third of the Brazilian population in 2007 had a BA degree or higher; and median household income
for the group as a whole surpassed that of Latinos and non-Hispanic whites.
Caribbean Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, February 13, 2019, 15 pp.
Authors: Jie Zong & Jeanne Batalova
This brief by the Migration Policy Institute offers an
updated portrait of Caribbean immigrants, who accounted for about one-tenth of the 44.5 million immigrants in the U.S in 2017.
Using data from a variety of sources, including the U.S. Census Bureau and the United National Population Division, the report
begins by briefly discussing the history of migration from Caribbean countries. Beginning in the 1940s, U.S. companies recruited
English-speaking immigrants from Caribbean countries to work in agriculture. Workers with other skills, such as nurses, came
later. In addition, revolution in Cuba, political troubles in the Dominican Republic, and natural disasters in Haiti caused
many to flee to the United States. The brief offers a snapshot of the current Caribbean immigrant population including size,
geographic distribution, educational attainment, socioeconomic status, and levels of remittances. For example, about 63 percent
of Caribbean immigrants live in the New York and Miami metropolitan areas; Caribbean immigrants are more likely to be proficient
in English than the total U.S. immigrant population; Caribbean immigrant adults overall were more likely to have graduated
from high school than overall foreign-born adults; and in 2018 global remittances to Caribbean countries totaled $12.6 billion. (Deb D'Anastasio for The Immigrant Learning Center's Public Education Institute)
A Demographic Profile of Black Caribbean Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, April, 2012, 21 pp.
Written by Penn State Professor Kevin J.A. Thomas,
this study examines Black Caribbean immigrants, both as a group in itself, and by country of origin. Among the major findings
are the following: "While Black Caribbean immigrants are overrepresented among the less educated and underrepresented
among the highly educated, they report strong English language skills, become US citizens at high rates, and exhibit high
levels of labor force participation. Notably Black Caribbean immigrants report higher earnings than their African counterparts,
despite the fact that Black African immigrants are among the best-educated immigrant groups in the United States...The geographic
concentration of Black Caribbean immigrants in states such as New York and Florida long destinations for Caribbean immigrants,
may lend integration advantages to the population, in part because of their potential influence over politics and public policy.
Yet compared to immigrants and natives, Black Caribbean immigrants are particularly likely to live in single-parent families
with children under 18, a living arrangement that complicates family socioeconomic status and child well-being."
Central American Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, August 15, 2019, 16 pp.
Authors: Allison O’Connor
A large number of Central American asylum seekers arrived at the U.S.-Mexico
border between 2018 and 2019, but Central American immigrants in the U.S. have a long history. This report by the Migration
Policy Institute describes this population in terms of geographic distribution, economic impact, educational attainment, public
health, immigration status and remittances to home countries. Using data from a variety of sources including U.S. Customs
and Border Protection, Census, and Citizenship and Immigration Services, the authors note that the Central American immigrant
population has increased greatly over the past 40 years. As of 2017, about 3.5 million first- generation immigrants from Central
America lived in the U.S. Approximately one third of these immigrants have become naturalized citizens. Central Americans
are also more likely to be Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) or Temporary Protected Status (TPS) recipients than
other regional immigrant groups. While Central Americans have lower rates of English proficiency and high school graduation
that the U.S.-born or immigrants overall, they also show high rates of workforce participation and are vital employees in
construction and maintenance, service and retail and transportation industries. The article links to several interactive maps
that show population change over time and geographic concentration, among other things. (Clare
Maxwell for The Immigrant Learning Center’s Public Education Institute)
Chinese Immigrants in the United States (Update of 2015 report)
Migration Policy Institute, January 2020, 13 pp.
Authors: Carlos Echeverria-Estrada & Jeanne Batalova
Since 1980, the number of Chinese immigrants in the U.S. has
grown seven-fold. Initially arriving as manual laborers in the early 19th century, Chinese immigrants faced extreme levels
of discrimination culminating in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the first legislation aimed at excluding certain foreigners
based on their nationality. Although these restrictions were lifted in 1965, the Chinese communist government barred migration
and travel from their country until the late 1970s. With normalizing relations between the US and China after 1979,
the number of Chinese immigrants to the US began to grow significantly. Currently, Chinese immigrants are significantly better
educated than the native-born US population, and are more likely to be employed in management positions. Most visas for Chinese
immigrants are obtained through employers, while increasing numbers of Chinese students arrive to attend university or with
the high-skilled H-1B temporary worker visas. Just over half of Chinese immigrants in the US were naturalized US citizens
by 2018, slightly higher than the overall foreign-born population. Chinese immigrants also send a significant amount of remittances
back to mainland China. (Julianne
P. Weis, Ph.D.)
New American Economy, May 7, 2019, 9 pp.
Chinese immigrants and Chinese Americans have played
an integral role in America’s history, from their work on the Transcontinental Railroad in 1869, to their contributions
in our society today as doctors, developers and professors. Not only does this essay review that history, it also examines
their current tax contributions, spending power and labor market impact. The article discusses the virulent nature of
anti-Chinese sentiment that peaked with the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882. Nearly a century later, the Immigration and Naturalization
Act in 1965 lifted racist restrictions on immigration that made it possible for the Chinese-American population to grow to
5 million today. The article highlights how Chinese Americans have made sizeable contributions to both the 19th century economy,
where at one point more than 15,000 Chinese workers were employed on the railroad that linked the two coasts of the U.S.,
and the present-day economy, with 68 percent of U.S.-born Chinese Americans completing at least a bachelor’s degree
and a median household income for all Chinese Americans higher than the national average. (Stephanie DePauw for The ILC’s
Public Education Institute)
Chinese Immigrants in the United States: New Issues and Challenges
Chapter in the book: People of Color in the United States: Contemporary Issues in Education, Work, Communities, Health,
and Immigration, 2016, 12 pp.
Author: Xiaochu Hu
in the United States - New Issues and Challenges offers both an historical look at Chinese immigrants in the U.S. and
a modern-day portrait using Census, American Community Survey, Department of Homeland Security and Department of State data.
Pointing out that 55 percent of Chinese immigrants are female, the author suggests that this skewed ratio may be due to the
large number of female immigrant-orphan adoptions and the greater cultural and linguistic adaptability of Chinese women. The
author also comments on Chinese immigrants' significant role in the housing market (61 percent of households headed by Chinese
immigrants own their own homes, compared to 52 percent for immigrants overall). With homeownership and education being mainstays
of Chinese culture, Chinese immigrant families prefer to live in areas with superior school districts and, thus, higher value
real estate. Unlike much previous research, this study additionally examines the crucial role of grandparenting in Chinese
immigrant families. Migrating grandparents provide invaluable childcare and cultural continuity for their grandchildren. However,
grandparents entering on visitors' visas are typically eligible to stay for a maximum of six months, while grandparents with
children who are naturalized citizens must decide whether to live in the culturally foreign U.S. or remain in China without
their extended family. Those who move to the U.S. must deal with issues of visa status, insurance coverage and assimilation.
(Sarah Purdy for The ILC Public Education Institute)
Chinese Immigration in the United States
Migration Policy Institute, January, 2015, 13 pp.
Authors: Kate Hooper and Jeanne Batalova
to the U.S. tend to be more highly educated and earn higher wages than both their native-born and foreign-born counterparts.
This is one of the findings of "Chinese Immigrants in the United States," a brief by the Migration Policy Institute.
The brief weaves history and data from the U.S. Decennial Census, recent American Community Surveys and the Yearbook of
Immigration Statistics to paint a picture of Chinese immigration patterns in the U.S. The authors note that Chinese
immigration stalled twice due to, first, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and, second, China's restrictive emigration policies
which weren't relaxed until 1978. The brief finds that Chinese immigrants in the U.S., the third largest immigrant population,
are highly skilled and educated workers as they are much more likely to hold bachelor's degrees than the native-born (47%
compared with 30% respectively). Chinese immigrants are also more likely to be employed in business, management and science
industries and earn higher wages ($57,000 compared to $48,000 and $53,000 for overall immigrant and native-born households,
respectively). The data show that Chinese immigrants are concentrated in California and New York and are more likely to become
Lawful Permanent Residents through work visa channels than through immediate family relations. (Jamie Cross for The ILC
Public Education Institute)
Cuban Immigrants in the United States
Migration Policy Institute, November 9, 2017, 11 pp.
Authors: Jeanne Batalova & Jie Zong
a decade of Fidel Castro's revolution in 1959, the Cuban population in the United States grew from 79,000 in 1960 to 439,000
in 1970. This "spotlight" article provides a demographic profile of Cubans in the U.S. Unlike most other immigrant
groups, Cubans arrived in the U.S. under special humanitarian provisions, rather than through regular immigration channels.
Although the Cuban government generally limited emigration, it periodically allowed Cubans to leave without authorization,
such as during the Mariel boatlift of 1980. The 1995 "wet-foot, dry-foot" policy returned Cubans arriving by boat
only if they were intercepted at sea, not if they made it to the U.S. mainland. The elimination of this policy by the
Obama Administration has slowed the flow of Cubans to the U.S. Today, Cubans are the seventh-largest immigrant group in the
U.S. with 78 percent of them residing in Florida. Cubans have higher rates of U.S. naturalization than immigrants overall,
expedited by special laws such as The Cuban Adjustment Act that quickens the citizenship process. Cuban immigrants are
older than their foreign-born counterparts, as well as more likely to have lower incomes and live in poverty. Cubans are also
less likely to be English-proficient and have lower rates of workforce participation than immigrants overall despite having
slightly higher rates of health insurance coverage. (Erin Kelly for The Immigrant Learning Center's Public Education Institute)
Cuban Migration: A Postrevolution Exodus Ebbs and Flows
Migration Policy Institute, July 6, 2017, 12 pp.
Author: Jorge Duany
article examines the history of Cuban emigration and the political context within which it has occurred. While there was Cuban
migration to the U.S. before the Cuban Revolution of 1959, the scale of that migration increased greatly afterwards. The author
divides migration since 1959 into five phases and notes that the socioeconomic characteristics of migrants changes with each
new phase. The first wave from 1959 and 1962 consisted largely of the upper and middle classes; later, Cuban migrants increasingly
resembled labor migrants coming from other countries. The Cuban Adjustment Act, enacted in 1966, acted as a magnet-offering
any Cuban admitted or paroled into the U.S. immediate refugee-like status and legal permanent residence after one year. As
relations between the U.S. and Cuba began to thaw toward the end of the Obama administration, Cubans feared an end to favorable
treatment, and there was another spike in migration. On January 12, 2017, the Obama administration announced that Cubans arriving
in the U.S. would no longer automatically be admitted or paroled, cutting their access to the special treatment provided by
the Cuban Adjustment Act. Subsequently, Cuban migration dropped dramatically. Unless the Trump administration reverses its
predecessor's policies, Cuban migrants will no longer be a significant percentage of the U.S. migrant stream (Maurice Belanger, Maurice Belanger Associates).
Dominican Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, April 11, 2018, 9 pp.
Authors: Jie Zong & Jeanne Batalova
report details the major demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of Dominican immigrants in the U.S. based on census
and Department of Homeland Security data. Among data points covered in the report are: educational attainment, labor force
participation, income and poverty levels, immigration pathways and naturalization rates, health coverage, and remittance levels.
In 2016, 1.1 million Dominicans lived in the United States, but most were in three states: New York (48 percent), New Jersey
(15 percent), and Florida (11 percent). Educational levels were lower and poverty levels higher than for the foreign-born
population as a whole and the native-born population. Despite economic challenges, Dominicans managed to send $6 billion in
remittances to the Dominican Republic, representing about 8 percent of the country's gross domestic product in 2016.
Ecuador: From Mass Emigration to Return Migration?
Migration Policy Institute, November 24, 2014, 17 pp.
Author: Brad D. Jokisch
A professor of geography
at Ohio University with specialization in the Ecuadorian Andes, Brad D. Jokish has produced this short primer on migration
to and from Ecuador over the last 30 years. During this period, some 10 to 15 percent of Ecuador's population has moved overseas,
primarily to Spain, the United States, and Italy. The majority (58 percent) of Ecuadorians in the U.S. reside in the New York-New
Jersey metro area. Ecuadorians also constituted the largest immigrant group in Spain for a few years during the last decade.
While Ecuadorians were going abroad, other groups -- mainly displaced Colombians and U.S. retirees -- were entering Ecuador,
causing a spike in the country's foreign-born population. The paper also looks at the phenomenon of return migration, especially
the response of Ecuadorians to incentives offered by the Spanish government to return home after the global economic downturn
of 2008. Jokisch also examines the role of remittances, which reached a peak of 6 percent of Ecuadorian GDP in 2006.
European Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, August 1, 2018, 12 pp,.
Elijah Alperin & Jeanne Batalova
Using data from the U.S. Census Bureau, the Department of Homeland
Security, and the World Bank, this report provides information on the European population in the U.S., focusing on its size,
major countries of origin, geographic distribution in the U.S., and socioeconomic characteristics. Eastern Europeans constituted
44 percent of the entire European-born population. In 2016, the top five countries of origin were the United
Kingdom, Germany, Poland, Russia, and Ukraine. The report features an interactive map allowing one to track
population changes by country over time. In the 2012-16 period, 45 percent of European immigrants lived in one of four states:
New York (15 percent), California (14 percent), and Florida and Illinois (8 percent each). European immigrants are
much more likely to be proficient in English than the general foreign-born population, but with significant variations depending
on countries of origin, e.g. eastern Europeans lag behind other Europeans in this respect. The European population is significantly
older than the general foreign-born and U.S.-born population but also better educated (42 percent had a bachelor’s degree
or better compared to 32 percent of the U.S.-born population). Using the term “diaspora” to describe the population
of people of either European birth or ancestry, the report finds that 41 percent of the 323 million people living in the U.S.
are European. The four largest “diaspora groups” are Germany (14.0 percent), Ireland (11.6 percent), United Kingdom
(9.8 percent), and Italy (5.2 percent).
Contemporary First-Generation European-Americans: the Unbearable "Whiteness" of
Charlotte School of Law, February, 2013 (Forthcoming in Tulane Law Review), 62 pp.
Author: Dagmar Rita Myslinska
This article examines the applicability of existing anti-discrimination statutes to the challenges faced by contemporary
European immigrants. In her analysis, the author discusses how assumptions about an all-pervasive white privilege serve to
mask the burdens that "foreignness" places on all immigrants, no matter what their "racial" background.
The author readily acknowledges that the 5 million European immigrants in the United States are generally well integrated
into American life, as measured by language proficiency, socioeconomic attainment, political participation, and residential
mobility. Nonetheless, these immigrants are not always perceived as "real" Americans and face prejudice and discrimination,
especially if their accents are too pronounced or their cultural norms deviate from the mainstream. "They oscillate between
being too foreign, and not foreign enough" to receive the legal protections afforded to non-white immigrants. They also
may feel powerless to alter their situation, as they lack strength in numbers and may blame themselves for not benefitting
sufficiently from their status as "white" immigrants. By raising these issues, the author hopes "to more closely
circumscribe the concept of white privilege, prompting Caucasians who do not fully partake of it to recognize shared areas
of concern, and to better understand the experiences of other groups who are not fully encompassed by it." The author
sprinkles the article with vignettes drawn from her own experiences as a Polish immigrant to the U.S.
Policy Institute, July 12, 2017, 13 pp.
Author: Maruja M.B. Asis
Philippines has a significant culture of migration and is a major labor exporter worldwide.
Ten million Filipinos, around 10 percent of the population, are working abroad, primarily in the Middle East and Asia. Thanks
to an improved economy in recent years, the Philippines is now developing policies for returning overseas Filipino workers (OFWs). This
study examines the evolving labor policies of the last few decades and shows how the country is incorporating migration into
its long-term development planning. This report begins with an overview of Filipino migration, both permanent and temporary,
going back to 1898 and covering countries of settlement and types of jobs filled by Filipinos. In the 1970s, the Philippines
created an overseas employment program and developed policies to protect OFWs living abroad from exploitation. While mindful
of the importance of remittances, the government, however, paid little attention to the potential of OFWs to bring their skills
and experience back to the Philippines for development purposes. Migration was never included in national and regional development
plans. In 2014, the National Economic Development Authority, the government agency involved in development planning, created
a subcommittee to improve coordination between migration-related agencies and promote development related to migration. The
new Philippine Development Plan gives attention to OFWs to strengthen their engagement in governance and ensure smooth reintegration.
The Philippines is now a global leader in discussions on migration and development. The next steps for the country may include
setting up migrant resource centers in local communities and integrating migration in local development plans (The Immigrant
Learning Center’s Public Education Institute).
Filipino Immigrants in the United States (Update of earlier report)
Migration Policy Institute, March 14, 2018, 13 pp.
Authors: Jie Zong & Jeanne
Numbering more than 1.9 million, Filipinos are the fourth largest foreign-born group in the U.S. Utilizing
data from the US Census Bureau's 2016 American Community Survey and other federal data sources, the Migration Policy Institute
provides this update to its profile of Filipino Immigrants in the United States. The profile examines the geographic distribution
of Filipinos by state and key cities, demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, categories of admission to the U.S.,
and remittance data. Filipinos now constitute four percent of the total foreign-born population with nearly half (44 percent)
living in California. Four counties (Los Angeles and San Diego in California, Honolulu in Hawaii, and Clark in Nevada) account
for 26 percent of all Filipinos. Filipinos are more likely than other immigrants to have strong English skills, and they have
college completion rates higher than both other immigrants and the U.S.-born population. Filipinos also tend to be older than
immigrants in general. In 2016, the Filipino media age was 50 years, compared to 44 years for all immigrants and 36 years
for native-born Americans.
Haitian Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute (MPI), Spotlight, May 29, 2014, 10 pp.
Authors: Chiamaka Nwosu & Jeanne
Batalova The end of the Duvalier dictatorship, according to this MPI information
brief, opened a flow of Haitian immigrants to the U.S., resulting in a threefold increase in the Haitian population from 1990-2012.
Moreover, following the 2010 earthquake, Haitians already in the U.S. gained Temporary Protected Status (TPS) until 2016,
which offers relief from deportation and gives work authorization to 58,000 qualifying Haitians. The fourth largest Caribbean
migrant group, Haitians are concentrated in the states of Florida, New York, New Jersey, and Massachusetts. With regard to
education levels, 18 percent of Haitian immigrants had a B.A. or higher in 2012, which is significantly lower than the 28
percent of the total U.S. foreign-born population with college degrees. Limited English Proficiency (LEP) is higher for Haitian
Immigrants (54 percent) compared to the total immigrant population (50 percent). Vocationally, over 40 percent of Haitian
adults were employed in service occupations, compared to 25 percent of all immigrant adults. At 21 percent, there is a similar
likelihood of Haitians experiencing poverty as other immigrant groups. Of the 600,000+ Haitian immigrants in the U.S., 50
percent were naturalized citizens, which is slightly higher than the share for all immigrants. Most Haitians were relatives
of citizens or other family sponsored immigrants rather than gaining status through employment or lottery-based means. Haitian
immigrants were as likely to be insured as other immigrants, but disproportionately relied on public health care. The total
remittances formally sent to Haiti increased tenfold from the 1980's to 2012 at $1.6 billion, which is 21 percent of the country's
GDP. (Colin Liebtag, Rutgers Graduate School of Social Work)
Extending Temporary Protected Status for Honduras: Country Conditions and U.S. Legal Requirements,
Center for Latin American & Latino Studies (American University) and others, November, 2017,
Authors: Jayesh Rathod et al
Following Hurricane Mitch in 1998,
which displaced thousands of people and severely damaged physical infrastructure and socio-economic stability in Honduras
and Nicaragua, the U.S. Congress granted Temporary Protected Status (TPS) to Hondurans and Nicaraguans in the U.S. TPS provides
relief to foreign nationals who are unable to return to their home countries due to natural disaster, economic instability
or violence. This report details the current conditions in Honduras. Owing to decades of instability due to natural
disaster, housing insecurity, crime and economic instability, the authors argue that TPS should be preserved for Honduran
nationals living in the U.S. According to Federal Register notices, the Department of Homeland Security has consistently cited
those issues as reasons to extend TPS for Hondurans. The Department of Homeland Security may issue extensions of six to 18
months while conditions that prevent foreign nationals from returning to their home countries persist. The report recommends
that TPS should be extended past the January 2018 deadline for renewal as there has been no substantial improvement in conditions
and because a large percentage of Hondurans still rely on remittances from Hondurans working in the U.S. In cases of TPS designation
because of natural disasters, the report also recommends collaborating with the designated country to develop benchmarks of
improvement to better assess a country's ability to handle returning nationals. (Subsequent to publication of this report,
the Department of Homeland Security announced a new, six-month extension of TPS for Hondurans to July 5, 2018) (Mia Fasano
for the Immigrant Learning Center's Public Education Institute)
Honduras: The Perils of Remittance Dependence and Clandestine Migration,
Migration Policy Institute, April, 2013, 8 pp.
Author: Daniel Reichman
from the author's book entitled the Broken Village, this report discusses the political and economic transformation of Honduras
since 1980, with particular attention to how this transformation has shaped emigration trends to the U.S. Spared the civil
wars and turmoil the rocked its neighbors, Honduras actually served as a place of refuge for Salvadorans, Nicaraguans, and
Guatemalans during the eighties. Relatively few Hondurans made their way to the United States during this period; hence, Hondurans
never established a major beachhead in the United States and thus could not benefit from the 1986 amnesty and the ability
to petition for relatives back home. The "neoliberal" economic transformation of the Honduran economy in the nineties
spurred an exodus from the countryside to Honduran cities and to the United States, a trend that was accelerated by the devastation
caused by Hurricane Mitch in 1998. In 2011, the Department of Homeland Security estimated that roughly 77 percent of Honduran-born
immigrants in the U.S. were unauthorized -- the largest percentage among Central American immigrant groups. According to the
author, "the fact that Honduran-born immigrants are disproportionately unauthorized severely constrains their ability
to participate fully in social, cultural, and economic life in the United States."
Sikhs in America: A History of Hate
Pro Publica, August 4, 2017, 32 pp.
Author: A.C. Thompson
followers of a 15th century religion from South Asia, Sikh men refrain from shaving and wear turbans. In America, they are
often victims of violence or abuse by those who confuse them for Muslims. Although there are an estimated 500,000 Sikhs currently
living in the United States, they have long been the victims of xenophobia and anti-immigrant sentiment. According to “Sikhs
in America: A History of Hate,” the Sikh community is facing an increase in unprovoked attacks against its members.
Through a series of profiles, the author tries to reveal the scope and brutality of these attacks. He also relates the story
of Wade Page, an American Nazi who attacked a Wisconsin Sikh temple in 2012, resulting in the deaths of seven people. There
are few reliable statistics on the number of hate crimes committed against Sikhs each year because police often do not categorize
attacks against the Sikh community as hate crimes. However, a majority of attacks have occurred in the years following the
September 11th terror attacks. The article stresses that steps must be taken to improve police reporting of hate crimes against
Sikhs and that a national database should be developed to document these attacks (Jonathan Eizyk for The Immigrant Learning
Center’s Public Education Institute).
Indian Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, May 6, 2015, 10 pp.
Authors: Jie Zong & Jeanne Batalova
States is the second most common destination for Indian emigrants. The nearly 2.2 million Indian immigrants in the U.S.
are the second largest immigrant group in the country, behind only Mexicans. The report provides a statistical
portrait of this group, focusing on its geographic distribution and socioeconomic characteristics. Geographically,
Indian immigrants have settled primarily in California (19 percent), New Jersey (11 percent), and Texas (9 percent).
Economically, they are more likely to be employed and have a higher household income than both the foreign- and native-born
populations. Socially, Indian immigrants are significantly more educated than both the foreign- and native-born populations
and more likely to be proficient in English than any other immigrant group. Indians are also the top recipients of temporary
high-skilled worker H-1B visas, accounting for 70 percent of the H-1B petitions approved by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration
Services (USCIS) in 2014. Many more Indians acquired permanent residence through employment pathways (52 percent) than
the general immigrant population (16 percent). 47 percent of Indian immigrants are naturalized U.S. citizens. (The ILC
Public Education Institute)
Korean Immigrants in the United States
Migration Policy Institute, April 10, 2019, 13 pp.
Authors: Allison O’Connor & Jeanne Batalova
After the Immigration and Naturalization Act of
1965 removed restrictions on Asian immigration to the U.S., the Korean immigrant population, almost entirely from South Korea,
grew from 11,000 in 1960 to 1.1 million immigrants in 2010. In this updated profile, the Migration Policy Institute reports
on the size, geographic distribution and socioeconomic characteristics of the Korean immigrant population. Using data from
the U.S. Census Bureau (2013-17 American Community Survey), the Department of Homeland Security 2017 Yearbook of Immigration
Statistics, World Bank annual remittance data, and the United Nations Population Division, the report points out that the
Korean immigrant population had decreased slightly between 2010 and 2017, largely because improved political and economic
conditions in South Korea have decreased incentives to migrate. However, despite this decrease, remittances have continued
to grow, reaching $6.9 billion in 2018. In 2017, Korean immigrants represented 2.4 percent of the 44.5 million immigrants
in the U.S. and are generally highly educated and of high socioeconomic standing. While Korean immigrants are more likely
to hold a bachelor’s or advanced degree, they have lower workforce participation rates and are more likely to have limited
English proficiency than the overall immigrant population. In the 2013-17 period, 40 percent of Korean immigrants were concentrated
in the greater metropolitan areas of Los Angeles, New York and Washington, DC.
The New Latinx “Repatriation”? Removals, Criminal Justice, and the Efforts to Remove
Latinx people from the United States
UC Davis Legal Studies Research Paper, February 22, 2019, 39 pp.
Reflecting on earlier episodes of Mexican “repatriation” from the United States, specifically
the removal of approximately one million Mexicans during the Great Depression and hundreds of thousands during “Operation
Wetback” in the fifties, the author of this essay sees Trump administration efforts to rid the country of Hispanic immigrants
as the latest flare-up of a racist policy which long roots in American history. The article contends that most of the measures
employed by the administration are disproportionately targeting Latinx noncitizens (More than 92 percent of noncitizens removed
in FY 2018 were from Mexico and the Northern Triangle countries) and represent the equivalent of a new repatriation campaign,
with “self-deportation” as a favored strategy and with little concern for any legal residents or citizens swept
up in the process. Among the measures discussed in the article are: the rescission
of DACA; ending Temporary Protected Status for Salvadorans, Hondurans, and Nicaraguans; indiscriminate deportation policies,
including the revival of worksite enforcement; efforts to punish so-called “sanctuary cities;” family separation
policies and other efforts to deter Central American asylum seekers, and efforts to restrict legal immigration. Although many
of these policies are ostensibly “color-blind,” their operation in practice has targeted Latinx communities with
“devastating impacts.” The author concludes “the United States is being taken back to a time before the
Immigration Act of 1965…when immigration of people of color from the developing world was severely restricted through
Hispanic Identity Fades Across Generations as Immigrant Connections Fall Away,
Pew Research Center, December 20, 2017, 33 pp
Authors: Mark Hugo Lopez, et al
While there are 42.7 million adults in the United States with Hispanic ancestry, 11 percent do not identify as
Hispanic. This number is expected to increase due to a long-standing high intermarriage rate and a decade of decreasing immigration
from Latin America. In the report Hispanic Identity Fades Across Generations as Immigrant Connections Fall, the authors
examine the experiences and self-identity of U.S. adults with Hispanic heritage. Their results are based on findings from
two Pew Research Center national surveys of two mutually exclusive groups: 1,500 self-identified Hispanic adults, and 401
adults who have Hispanic, Latino or Spanish ancestry but who do not identify as Hispanic. Their findings suggest that later
generations (particularly the third and fourth) have different experiences than earlier generations: they are less exposed
to Hispanic cultural celebrations, less encouraged to speak Spanish, face less discrimination, have fewer Hispanic peers and
are less likely to live in a Hispanic neighborhood. Those who do not identify as Hispanic are more likely to identify as white,
and 27 percent said "their Hispanic ancestry is too far back or their background is mixed." If self-identity as
Hispanic decreases over time, then current growth projections for the self-identified Hispanic population may have to be altered
and "the nation's own sense of its diversity could change"(Sakura Tomizawa for The Immigrant Learning Center's
Public Education Institute).
The Complex and Varied Households of Low-Income Hispanic Children,
National Research Center on Hispanic Children & Families, January, 2015, 10 pp.,
Turner, Lina Guzman, Elizabeth Wildsmith, & Mindy Scott
The presence of an immigrant parent in the household seems to make an important
difference in this study of Hispanic children and families. Using a public use microdata sample (PUMS) from the 2012 American
Community Survey, the researchers compare low-income Hispanic families with comparable white and black families. Thirty-six
(36) percent of low-income Hispanic children with at least one foreign-born parent live in married, two parent households–
those made up of only married parents and children. The rates for comparable white and black families are 26 percent and 8
percent, and for Hispanic children with only US-born parents, only 11 percent. According to the authors,
children with at least one foreign-born parent have a “notable advantage… given the benefits of stable, two parent
families such as relative economic well-being and parents spending more time with children.” On the
other hand, Hispanic children with at least one foreign-born parent also live in more crowded housing. Household
size is greater with more sharing of bedrooms. “Crowded housing,” according to the authors,
“is associated with a host of adverse outcomes for children, such as sleep deprivation, behavioral problems, and less
responsive parenting.” Yet overcrowding may also benefit children as “additional adults in
the household may contribute resources, if these adults work or help provide childcare or other vital assistance to children
and other family members.” As the number of Hispanic households with US-born parents increases and those with foreign-born
parents decreases, the factors driving differences between these households should be of concern to policymakers. This study
does not attempt to disaggregate Hispanic households by parental country of origin.
Hispanics in the United States: Not Only Mexicans,
US2010 Project, Brown University, March 2013, 16 pp.
Authors: John R. Logan & Richard N.
This paper traces the demographic, economic, and social trajectory of the different
Hispanic groups in the U.S. from 1990 to 2010. The authors call attention to the diversity of the Hispanic population, noting
that groups like the Hondurans, Guatemalans and other "new Latino" groups have experienced remarkable growth rates
during this period. Each group has its own educational and skill profile, shaping its ability to thrive in the U.S. labor
market. On the high end of the income spectrum are the Argentinians and Venezuelans; on the low end are the Guatemalans and
Hondurans. According to the authors, there is not a single Hispanic experience in America, but rather "many Hispanic
situations..." Different groups are also concentrated in different regions of the country, with for example, the Dominicans
in New York, Mexicans in Chicago, and Cubans in Miami. The paper also finds important intra-Hispanic differences in residential
segregation from non-Hispanic whites. While "Mexican segregation is persistent...other groups are experiencing much more
integration with whites...a phenomenon that has been submerged by analyses of Hispanics as a single large category..."
Foundation Funding and Latino Community Priorities: Gaps and Opportunities,
Hispanics in Philanthropy (HIP), April, 2012, 20 pp.
This report is the second in a series focusing
on foundation funding of Latino organizations and Latino community needs. The first report, published jointly with the Foundation Center, documented trends in foundation funding during the first decade of the century.
It found that funding remained generally flat during a period of high Latino growth, with only 1.3 percent of all foundation
funding in 2009 directed to identifiable Latino organizations and activities. This second report summarizes findings from
two surveys conducted in 2011 seeking to understand the apparent low level of foundation investment in Latino organizations
and activities. Data was collected from 60 funders and 155 nonprofits. Both funders and grantees generally agree on programming
priorities; education, economic development, and immigration top the list. However, grantmaking activity was "not consistent
with their (funders') understanding of what is important in Latino communities." The research team from Milano the New
School for International Affairs speculates that the lack of Latino representation at the senior management level may account
for this discrepancy, along with the "narrow focus" of many foundations. In their survey responses, grantees were
concerned about the lack of funder support for community organizing, administrative functions, and capacity-building. The
report concludes with a number of recommendations both for funders and for HIP as an intermediary organization. Among other
things, the authors urge funders to provide capacity-building and core support for "small, high-impact Latino nonprofit
organizations" and encourage HIP to serve as a conduit to these organizations by continuing its national funders' collaborative.
LGBT Adult Immigrants in the United States,
The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law, March, 2013, 11 pp.
Author: Gary J. Gates
This report profiles immigrants, both documented and undocumented, who identify as lesbian,
gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT). The author estimates that there are 267,000 self-identified LGBT undocumented and 637,000
self-identified LGBT documented immigrants living the United States. Unlike the native-born LGBT population in the U.S. which
is majority female (53 percent), approximately two-thirds of undocumented and 57 percent of documented LGBT immigrants are
male. Hispanics make up the majority of undocumented LGBT adults at 71 percent, followed by Asians and Pacific Islanders at
15 percent. However, among the documented population, the percentage of Asians and Pacific Islanders (35 percent) exceeds
that of Hispanics (30 percent). There are 24,700 same-sex bi-national couples (one US citizen and one non-citizen) and 11,700
same-sex couples with two non-citizens. Same-sex couples with two non-citizens are more likely to raise children under age
18 at 58 percent compared to same-sex bi-national couples at 25 percent. In terms of employment, there is no significant difference
between same-sex and different-sex men. On the other hand, naturalized women (98 percent) and non-citizen women (90 percent)
in same-sex couples report higher employment than women in different-sex couples (95 percent and 87 percent respectively).
The report includes a methodology section explaining the procedures used in developing these estimates. (Lorin Mordecai)
A Revolving Door No More? A Statistical Profile of Mexican Adults Repatriated from the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, May 2017, 23 pp.
Authors: Ryan Schultheis & Ariel
G. Ruiz Soto
Return migration to the United States by deportees from Mexico has slowed down significantly in
the past decade. The Migration Policy Institute report, A Revolving Door No More? A Statistical Profile of Mexican Adults
Repatriated from the United States, gives a statistical and demographic profile of Mexican adults returned by the United
States government between 2005 and 2015 using data collected by the Mexican Interior Ministry. During that time, there was
an 80 percent drop in Mexican adults seeking re-entry after being repatriated from the United States: 471,000 in 2005 to 95,000
in 2015. According to the Mexican Northern Border Survey, repatriated Mexicans intending to return to the U.S. declined from
95 percent to 49 percent between 2005 and 2015. The percentage of those intending to stay in Mexico rose from five to 47 percent,
and many of those intending to stay in Mexico are leaving their children behind in the U.S. The report offers several factors
that have contributed to this trend: border crossing has become more difficult, the U.S. economy has weakened and the criminalizing
of unauthorized entries by the U.S. have all become effective deterrents. As new U.S. immigration policy may lead to greater
border enforcement and increased removal of Mexican immigrants, it will be important for Mexico to strengthen services that
encourage the social and economic reintegration of returning Mexican adults to promote future economic growth for the country.
(The ILC Public Education Institute)
Unauthorized Mexican Migration and the Socioeconomic Integration of Mexican Americans,
Russell Sage Foundation, 2013, 43 pp
Authors: Frank D. Bean, Susan K. Brown, Mark A. Leach, James
D. Bachmeier, & Jennifer Van Hook This essay argues that, without a path to
citizenship for undocumented Mexican immigrants, integration into American society will suffer for generations to come. The
authors look at demographic trends, integration indicators such as education and socioeconomic status and immigration policy
to find out "How well are undocumented Mexican immigrants and their children and grandchildren faring in the United States?"
Such a question is pertinent given that "the country has become more Mexican" as a result of America's declining
low-skilled native population and despite policy efforts to the contrary. The authors note, however, that there has been a
concomitant increase in the economic and social marginality of undocumented Mexican immigrants. Full societal membership is
thwarted by policies that restrict their movement, access to services, upward mobility and legalization. As the authors point
out, "this forces the immigrants and their children to live in the shadows (which) matters for educational outcomes in
the second and third generations" since children of undocumented parents average fewer years in school, suggesting they
are likely to lack a high school diploma, adequate wages and, thus, ways to rid themselves of the stigma of being undocumented
Mexican Americans. Indeed, "legal status alone exerts its own positive force on second and third generation education"
and, without it, will perpetuate the expanding underclass of marginalized Mexican Americans. (Denzel
Mexican Migration to the United States: Underlying Economic Factors and Possible Scenarios
for Future Flows,
Wilson Center and Migration Policy Institute, April, 2013, 22 pp.
Authors: Daniel Chiquiar &
By analyzing migratory trends from Mexico to the U.S. during three periods: the 1990s, 2000
to 2007, and 2007 to 2011, the authors of this report attempt to predict future flows of Mexican immigrants. The report looks
at the "intensity" (or the proportion) of Mexican immigrants within specific industries in the United States and
tries to relate growth patterns within these industries to future demand for Mexican workers. The authors also note that the
skill levels of Mexican workers, both in Mexico and in the migratory stream, are increasing, so that one cannot generalize
on the basis of the profile of earlier cohorts of Mexican workers. Recognizing that there are a variety of "shocks,"
such as an economic crisis in Mexico or stricter border enforcement, that could either raise or lower these estimates, the
authors nonetheless predict an average "baseline" net annual inflow of 258,000 during the 2011 to 2017 period, a
figure much lower than the 466,000 per year who arrived in the 1990s, but similar to the 277,000 who arrived from 2000 to
2007, before the onset of the Great Recession.
In the Shadow of the Wall: Family Separation, Immigration Enforcement and Security: Preliminary
Data from the Migrant Border Crossing Study,"
Center for Latin American Studies, University of Arizona, March, 2013, 39 pp.
summarizes the findings of a team of researchers who surveyed and interviewed 1,113 Mexican nationals who were deported to
six cities in Mexico from 2010 to 2012. All had crossed into the U.S sometime after September 11, 2001 and were interviewed
during the month after their deportation. The researchers found a "strikingly different portrait of deportees" than
the usual one of single men with no real ties to the U.S. Instead, although 82 percent were men, roughly half had at least
one U.S. citizen family member, and about 25 percent had a U.S.-citizen child. Typically, respondents had three lifetime crossing
attempts and one previous apprehension. Three-quarters relied on a "coyote" to shepherd them across the border,
paying an average of $2,500 per trip. The report details the hazards and violence associated with border crossings, with especially
harsh consequences for women. Efforts of the U.S. Customs and Border Protection to prevent and deport illegal border crossers
come in for sharp criticism in the report. According to the authors, most interviewees had no realistic legal channels to
immigrate to the U.S. The authors of the study, funded by the Ford Foundation, call for a rethinking of what border security
should mean in a region "connected by family" and economic need.
MIDDLE EASTERN AND NORTH AFRICAN
Middle Eastern and North African Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute (MPI), January 10, 2018, 11 pp.
Authors: Mattea Cumoletti & Jeanne Batalova
This report updates a 2015 MPI profile of Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) immigrants. These immigrants
now represent 3 percent of the approximately 44 million immigrants in the U.S. The report discusses the socioeconomic characteristics
of the MENA population as gleaned from census and other data. Each data point is compared with the immigrant population
in general and the native-born population. For example, in 2016, 43 percent of MENA immigrants (ages 25 and above) had a bachelor's
degree or higher, compared to 30 percent of all immigrants and 32 percent of native-born adults. Nevertheless, 27 percent
of MENA immigrant families lived in poverty, compared to 17 percent of all immigrant families and 14 percent of U.S.-born
families. There are, of course, wide variations among the various MENA national origin populations. For example, 63 percent
of immigrants from Egypt have finished college, compared to only 16 percent of immigrants from Yemen. Labor force participation
for female MENA immigrants (41 percent) lags behind immigrant women in general (56 percent) and U.S.-born women (59 percent),
"a disparity possibly attributable to the more conservative culture in many Muslim countries." The report features
interactive maps that allow the reader to track changes in the size of MENA country populations over time and to pinpoint
the distribution of these populations by state, city, and metropolitan area.
Immigrants from New Origin Countries in the United States,
Policy Institute, January 17, 2019, 9 pp.
Authors: Jie Zong & Jeanne Batalova
short “Spotlight” article focuses on changing demographics within the U.S. immigrant population. A full 76 percent
of the immigrant population growth from 2010 to 2017 came from 15 countries, some considered “new origin countries”
in this report. While the Mexican immigrant population declined during this period, the population from India grew by 47 percent
(and showed the largest absolute increase of 830,000). Other large growth countries were Venezuela (91 percent) and Bangladesh
(62 percent). The Chinese grew by 36 percent, adding 644,000 to their total – the 2nd largest absolute increase. The
Spotlight goes on to examine the socioeconomic characteristics and geographic distribution of these newer immigrant groups.
Among the data points covered is the educational attainment of each of these groups, which show wide variations from country
U.S. Approves Far Fewer Muslim Refugees, Immigrants, & Travelers,
Cato at Liberty, April 23, 2018, 9 pp.
Author: David Bier
In this study,
David Bier from the CATO Institute examines s U.S. Department of State statistics from 2016 to 2018 to show how the "travel
ban" executive order against travelers and immigrants from Muslim-majority countries is actually working. In three years,
the number of Muslim refugees dropped 91 percent, immigrant visas to people from Muslim-majority countries decreased 26 percent,
and temporary visas issued to those from Muslim-majority countries declined 32 percent. The main causes of these declines
are the lower refugee admittance cap, hateful rhetoric against Muslims, and use of the "extreme immigration vetting"
form DS-5535. Many visa applications from Muslims have fallen into the "administrative processing" queue for further
scrutiny or been denied. The author states that President Trump is following through with his campaign promise to "ban
Muslims from entering the United States" and that the longer-term effects from this so-called "temporary" measure
remain to be seen (Sakura Tomizawa for the Immigrant Learning Center's Public Education Institute).
Peruvians in the United States: 1980-2008,
Center for Latin American, Caribbean & Latino Studies, City University of New York,
October, 2010, 37 pp.
This study examines the growth and changing demographic profile of the Peruvian
population in the U.S. Topics covered include: the size, nativity, and spatial distribution of the Peruvian population; household
income, employment, and poverty levels; years of schooling and English language abilities; citizenship status; trends in racial
self-declaration; and marriage patterns. Among major findings: Peruvians have relatively high median household income compared
with other race/ethnic groups in the U.S and other Latino national subgroups, and the lowest poverty rates.
El Salvador: Civil War, Natural Disasters, and Gang Violence Drive Migration,
Migration Policy Institute, August 29, 2018, 10 pp.
Authors: Cecilia Menjivar & Andrea Gómez Cervantes
With 1.4 million immigrants in the United States, Salvadorans
are the second largest Latin American group in the country. They come from the smallest, but most densely populated country
in Central America, a country ravaged by class divisions, civil war, and gang violence. This essay provides a description
of the circumstances leading to the Salvadoran exodus, as well as an overview of characteristics of the Salvadoran diaspora
in the U.S. The authors trace the origins of El Salvador’s instability to the privatization of indigenous community
lands for coffee production in the 19th century. The military and the landowners formed an alliance in the
1930s resulting in decades of military rule. The expulsion of some 300,000 Salvadoran workers out of Honduras starting in
1969 exacerbated tensions in the country, leading to a bloody civil war that lasted 12 years, killed 75,000, and displaced
more than 1 million Salvadorans, many to the U.S. The authors pick up the story in the U.S. to explain what happened
to these refugees, as well as those Salvadorans who came later. As of 2016, there were over 1.3 million Salvadorans
living in the U.S., making them the largest Central American group. With the revocation of temporary protected status by the
Trump administration, nearly 200,000 Salvadorans face an agonizing choice as to what to do when their permission to live and
work in the U.S. ends.
A Profile of the Modern Salvadoran Migrant
U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants &
Universidad Tecnólogica de El Salvador, December, 2013, 57 pp.
The research team for this
study administered surveys and conducted interviews with more than 800 would-be immigrants to the United States, all of whom
had been recently deported and repatriated to El Salvador. The researchers tried to capture the experience of these migrants
as they traversed two countries (Guatemala and Mexico) on the perilous route to the U.S., often on a freight train known as
"La Bestia." Kidnappings were "systematic and widespread." Roughly half of all respondents undertook the
journey with the help of a coyote or guide. The average cost to hire a guide was $2,300. Of the total surveyed population,
about 10 percent of women and 20 percent of men were abandoned by their guides. The study also covers a wide range of other
data points, including socio-demographic characteristics of the population, reasons for migration, number of prior attempted
migrations, and whether respondents have family or friends in the U.S.
South American Immigrants in the United States,
Institute, May 2, 2013, 8 pp.
Authors: Sierra Stoney, Jeanne Batalova, & Joseph Russell
uses census and Department of Homeland Security data to create a portrait the South American immigrant population in the U.S.
Although representing only seven percent of the U.S. foreign-born population, South Americans are better educated, less likely
to enter as refugees and more likely to enter as immediate family members than the overall foreign-born population. South
American immigrants show similar characteristics to other immigrants in the U.S. in terms of age, arrival period, naturalization
rates and occupations. The data shows that around 2.7 million South American immigrants live in the United States: a seven-fold
rise since 1960. And while South America makes up the smallest region of origin of all Latin American immigrants, South Americans
were the second-fastest growing segment of the Latin American immigrant population. They are more likely than the native-born
to be of working age and heavily support critical industries such as transportation, finance and education. In fact, they
are nearly as likely as native-born Americans to have a bachelor's degree or higher. (Denzil Mohammed)
Syrian Refugees in the United States
Migration Policy Institute, January 12, 2017, 6 pp.
Authors: Jie Zong & Jeanne Batalova
Syrian refugees represent a new migration flow to the United States. This report uses data from the State
Department's Refugee Processing Center, the Department of Homeland Security and the American Community Survey to describe
Syrian refugee resettlement in the U.S. by city and state, age and gender, and religion and language. The Syrian Civil War
has displaced 11 million people since 2011, with 4.9 million registered as refugees worldwide and 900,000 having filed asylum
claims in Europe. Between October 11, 2011, and December 31, 2016, the United States resettled 18,007 Syrian refugees, although
31 mostly Republican governors voiced opposition to the program following the 2015 Paris terrorist attacks. Of the total number
of Syrian refugees, 30 percent were resettled in California, Michigan and Texas. Within the same time frame, San Diego, Chicago
and Troy, MI resettled the most Syrians of all major cities, amounting to 13 percent of overall Syrian refugee resettlement.
Of all Syrian refugees resettled since 2011, 72 percent were women and children under the age of 14, and nearly half were
under 14 years of age. Regarding religious and linguistic demographics, the overwhelming majority of Syrian refugees were
Muslim (98 percent) and spoke Arabic (96 percent). While the Obama administration announced its plan to raise the refugee
ceiling to 110,000 in FY 2017 citing a global humanitarian crisis, President-elect Donald Trump's campaign promise of suspending
Syrian refugee admissions and cutting back the overall refugee ceiling to 50,000 leaves the future of refugee intake unclear.
(Sarah Purdy, for the ILC Public Education Institute)
STATES CITIZENS LIVING ABROAD
Counting the Uncountable: Overseas Americans
Migration Policy Institute, May 17, 2013, 7 pp.
Authors: Amanda Klekowski von Koppenfels & Joe Costanzo
This report summarizes findings from a new book by Amanda Klekwoski von Koppenfels entitled, Migrants or Expatriates,
which examines the number, characteristics, and distribution of U.S. citizens who have emigrated to other countries or who
are living abroad. Due to the limitations of data sources, estimates as to the size of this population vary widely: between
2.2 million and 6.8 million, or between 1.0 and 2.5 percent of the current U.S. citizen population. Motives for migration
are quite varied: for marriage or partnership, study, employment, or retirement. Some became "accidental immigrants,"
stumbling upon an unanticipated work opportunity after travelling to another country. Many teach English or work in IT. Some
are "love exiles," or gay and lesbian Americans with foreign partners, who moved abroad in order to live together
and/or marry. The authors devote a good portion of the essay to discussing the multiple and often conflicting data sources
they examined for their study. "Most countries do not enumerate those leaving as carefully as they do those arriving:
the United States is no exception."
Venezuelan Immigrants in the United States,
Migration policy Institute, April 10, 2020, 8 pp.
Authors: Luis Hassan
Gallardo & Jeanne Batalova
Since the turn of the century, the Venezuelan immigrant community in the United
States has tripled in size, with much of the growth coming in the last few years as Venezuela has undergone political crisis
and massive economic disruption. The majority of Venezuelan immigrants have settled in neighboring South American countries,
with Colombia being the top destination, followed by Peru and Chile. In 2018, Venezuelans were the fifth-largest South American
immigrant population in the US. Venezuelans in the US have higher educational attainment compared to the total foreign-born
population, and the majority of visas are obtained through immediate relatives and employment channels. Despite high education
rates, they are more likely to live in poor families and lack health insurance, with a median household income of $56,000.
Venezuelan immigrants also participate in the US labor force at a much higher rate than the overall immigrant and native-born
populations. Remittances back to Venezuela have grown significantly since 2000, reaching $289 million in 2019, a record high.
(Julianne P. Weis, Ph.D.)
A South American Migration Crisis: Venezuelan Outflows Test Neighbors Hospitality,
Migration Policy Institute, July 18, 2018, 9 pp.
Feline Freier & Nicolas Parent
The authors of this report assert that the Venezuelan exodus is “now
the fastest-escalating displacement of people across borders in Latin American history” with the potential to eventually
surpass the 5.6 million Syrians who have fled that country’s civil war. Estimates as to the current size of this displaced
population are imprecise, ranging from a low of 1.6 million to a high of 4 million. Once one of the most prosperous countries
in Latin America, Venezuela has descended into a cauldron of misery and violence. The report discusses the “patchwork
of responses” to the Venezuelan migration crisis on the part of countries in Latin America. Argentina and Uruguay have
been the most welcoming, granting Venezuelans two-year renewable residency visas allowing them to live and work in the country.
Similar arrangements were instituted by Brazil, Columbia, and Peru. Since the end of the era of military dictatorship in the
region, most countries in Latin America reformed their immigration laws to expand the rights of migrants – some even
recognizing a right to free human mobility. Given the scope of the Venezuelan crisis, there is a possibility that some countries
will revert back to a more restrictionist policy, especially those governments, e.g. Ecuador and Bolivia, that are supportive
of the Venezuelan regime.
Vietnamese Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, December
13, 2018 (Updated “Spotlight” Report), 15 pp.
Alperin & Jeanne Batalova
Using data from the U.S. Census Bureau's American
Community Survey and the Department of Homeland Security's Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, this report profiles the sixth-largest
foreign-born group in the United States. Data points include: size and geographic distribution of the population, socioeconomic
characteristics, immigration pathways and naturalization statistics, health coverage, and levels of remittances. Vietnamese
immigrants arrived in the U.S. in three waves since the mid-1970s. Although at first most arrived as refugees, today the majority
of Vietnamese come through family reunification channels. The Vietnamese foreign-born population has grown from 231,000 in
1980 to 1.34 million in 2017. Compared to immigrants overall, their naturalization rate (77 percent vs. 49 percent), and median
income ($63,200 vs. $56,700) are higher. However, although two-thirds of them arrived in the U.S. before 2000, Vietnamese
immigrants also are more likely to have limited English proficiency (66 percent vs. 48 percent) and are less likely to be
college educated (26 percent vs. 31 percent). In total, the Vietnamese diaspora population in the United States numbers around
2.2 million people who send remittances back to Vietnam totaling $14 billion in 2017, an amount that has tripled over the
Immigrant Women and Girls,
Migration Policy Institute, March 4, 2020, 12 pp
Immigrants make up 14 percent of all females in the United States and 52 percent of the 44.7
million immigrants in the country. "Immigrant Women and Girls in the United States” provides a demographic portrait
of female migrants using data from the United Nations Population Division, the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2018 American Community
Survey, and the Department of Homeland Security’s Yearbook of Immigration Statistics. Gender distributions vary
from country to country, and region to region. Immigrants from the Caribbean, South America, Asia, and Europe, for example,
are more likely to be women, while those from Mexico and Central America are more likely to be men. Immigrant women are generally
older and are more likely to be married than U.S.-born women. As of 2018, 53 percent (12.3 million) of immigrant women
were U.S. citizens, compared to 48 percent of immigrant men (10.4 million). Women from Asia were more educated than those
from Latin America. Women also fill the ranks of the undocumented population; 47 percent of the 11.3 million unauthorized
immigrants in the U.S. between 2012 and 2016 were women. The report also looks at employment patterns, poverty rates, and
fertility among immigrant women. (The Immigrant Learning Center)